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A 10-hour HOME-STUDY INTRODUCTORY COURSE ON
MONEY as it relates to Macro Economics
Videos are available on the internet or can be
borrowed from
the Toronto Public Library system
Any time
during the self-study program: www.thedreamofcanada.ca
1) Money as Debt
– www.canadianactionparty.ca
2)
Who's Counting: Marilyn Waring on Sex, Lies and Global
Economics
Distributed through the Public Library
systems. Produced by the National Film Board
Linda Waring, a New Zealand MLA, discovers many
valuable activities don’t count toward calculating a nation's
GDP, while many questionable activities do! Getting right to
the source, she investigates the UN's System of Accounts,
which determines what sort of activity counts.
3)
MONEY! Who creates it? Who controls it? Who profits!
A fascinating documentary about how people in
Argentina, Turkey, and even New York responded when their
money was suddenly unavailable to them. Isaac Isitan. 65
min.
4) The Money Masters: How International
Bankers Gain Control of America
(1996, 3.5 hours) To be shown in 4 sessions,
with discussion
Official website:
http://www.themoneymasters.com
This 3.5 hour non-fiction, historical
documentary that traces the origins of the political power
structure that rules our nation and the world today. The
modern political power structure has its roots in the hidden
manipulation and accumulation of gold and other forms of
money. The development of fractional reserve banking practices
in the 17th century brought to a cunning sophistication the
secret techniques initially used by goldsmiths fraudulently to
accumulate wealth. With the formation of the privately-owned
Bank of England in 1694, the yoke of economic slavery to a
privately-owned "central" bank was first forced upon the backs
of an entire nation, not removed but only made heavier with
the passing of the three centuries to our day. Nation after
nation, including America, has fallen prey to this cabal of
international central bankers.
5) The Carlyle Connection (2003, 60 min)
Film info:
http://portal.omroep.nl/nossites?nav=annyHsHjCqBtEyGzGeC
A revealing documentary about the international
world of private equity banking The Carlyle Group, one of the
largest investment banks in the world, is based in Washington
and has accumulated its capital mainly by investments in the
defence industry. On their list of employees are people like
Lou Gerstner (former chairman of IBM), George Bush Sr., James
Baker III, John Major (former British Prime Minister) and
Fidel Ramos (former Prime Minister of the Philipines).
The Carlyle Group invests in areas that are
closely tied to government policy: aero space and defense,
telecom, real estate, health care and the banking business.
With 16 billion dollar under management they have the
reputation of being the best-connected company in the world.
Their list of private investors include George Soros, the
Saudi Royal Family and the Bin Laden Family.
How does the Carlyle Group operate, who are the
people behind the Carlyle Group and how much power does
Carlyle have? This film explores the fine line between the
conflict of interests and a new global way of doing business.
6) The Corporation
(2003, 145 min) Mark Achbar, co-director of the influential
and inventive Official website:
http://www.thecorporation.tv
Trailer:
http://www.thecorporation.tv/trailer
One hundred and fifty years ago, the
corporation was a relatively insignificant entity. Today, it
is a vivid, dramatic and pervasive presence in all our lives.
Like the Church, the Monarchy and the Communist Party in other
times and places, the corporation is today’s dominant
institution. But history humbles dominant institutions. All
have been crushed, belittled or absorbed into some new order.
The corporation is unlikely to be the first to defy history.
In this complex and highly entertaining documentary, Mark
Achbar, co-director of the influential and inventive
MANUFACTURING CONSENT: NOAM CHOMSKY AND THE MEDIA, teams up
with co-director Jennifer Abbott and writer Joel Bakan to
examine the far-reaching repercussions of the corporation’s
increasing preeminence. Based on Bakan’s book The Corporation:
The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power, the film is a
timely, critical inquiry that invites CEOs, whistle-blowers,
brokers, gurus, spies, players, pawns and pundits on a graphic
and engaging quest to reveal the 4corporation’s inner
workings, curious history, controversial impacts and possible
futures. Featuring illuminating interviews with Noam Chomsky,
Michael Moore, Howard Zinn and many others, THE CORPORATION
charts the spectacular rise of an institution aimed at
achieving specific economic goals as it also recounts
victories against this apparently invincible force.
**************
I'm hoping
there are times when a high school teacher can show one of
these videos, in whole or in part, to get students curious.
Anne
Subject: Re: [Fwd: Re: Canadian Action Party (CAP)]
state banking
Here's an item worth thinking about. It's a good way to
put heat on the provincial governments to bypass the Federal
Government's tight money policy. It's
Canada's best kept open secret.
S.
********
Friday » September 5 » 2003
Will this little piggy bank go to market?
Once a scandal-plagued basket case, Alberta Treasury
Branches has been reformed into a profitable powerhouse primed
for privatization. So why is a fiercely free-enterprise
province refusing to sell the West's biggest bank?
George Koch
National Post
At Rocky Mountain House, the West's past meets its future.
With a population of 6,500, an economy based on natural
resources, agriculture and tourism, and a history dating to
the fur trade, it's a quintessentially Albertan town. It's
where William "Bible Bill" Aberhart, the eccentric founder of
the Canadian Social Credit movement, in 1938 set up the first
outlet of a provincially owned banking system. Alberta
Treasury Branches was a bellow of defiance at the "Eastern
bastards" who would rather see the province's farmers ruined
by the Depression than extended credit. And here at Rocky
Mountain House, the recent transformation of Aberhart's
brainchild -- now called ATB Financial and headed by a
Quebecer hired away from a big Eastern bank -- stands vividly
exposed.
Over the past six years, North America's only state-owned
retail bank, which turns 65 this month, has metamorphosed
from a financial basket case into a profitable and
fast-growing Crown corporation. It's now the eighth-largest
bank in Canada, with $13.2 billion in assets. That makes
it almost as big as Montreal's Laurentian Bank and nearly
double the size of Vancouver City Savings Credit Union, the
next-largest independent lender in Western Canada. A growing
chorus of western bankers, politicians and academics says ATB
is ready for its ultimate rite of passage: privatization. An
investor-owned ATB could become the core of a Western
financial powerhouse. Proceeds from its sale could feed health
and education budgets. Why, then, do taxpayers continue to own
it?
It's strange that the question needs to be asked at all. This
is Alberta, after all, Canada's most self-consciously
pro-free-enterprise province. Premier Ralph Klein has said
many times he's loath to be "in the business of being in
business." But the case of what one historian dubs the
"anti-bank" reveals much about Alberta and Albertans. For
every rule there's an exception, for every principle a
footnote, and for every rugged individualist a struggling farm
family afraid that a "normal" bank would call its loan.
One local politician calls Albertans' attachment to ATB "the
ultimate dichotomy."
Keith BucRating 2 olz, who runs ATB's Rocky Mountain House
branch, sees this contrast up-close. The operation recently
relocated from downtown to the busy commercial strip.
BucRating 2 olz, a native of small-town Alberta who is marking
his 30th year with ATB, is proud of the spacious new outlet
with its fieldstone decor. He believes it sends the message
that "we're here for the long term." While the big banks are
closing rural branches and forcing customers to bank online or
through distant call centres, ATB holds firm to old-fashioned
service, he says. "We're a part of the community. Our managers
and employees are active at all levels, and we know many of
our customers personally." The way the big banks treat
borrowers, he observes, imposing unrealistically high equity
ratios on loans and avalanches of conditions, suggests "they
don't want to do business here." He has a point: The Big
Five's rural business is flat or declining. By contrast,
BucRating 2 olz's has grown 45% over four years.
ATB branches like BucRating 2 olz's cater to Alberta's
outsized small-town population, which helps give the province
a unique banking landscape, with a strong credit-union
movement and likely the smallest big-bank market share in
Canada. While ATB may draw a blank outside the province,
here it's nearly ubiquitous. Its 276 branches and retail-store
agents form Alberta's largest network, and its 1.4 million
client accounts exceed the combined total held by the Big
Five. When the big banks de-emphasized lending in many
provincial markets during the 1990s, focussing on more
lucrative corporate prospects in the U.S., ATB exploited the
opportunity. Targeting Alberta's middle class, much of which
still derives its livelihood from blue-collar labour, resource
extraction and agriculture, ATB grew its loan book at twice
the rate of the big banks, almost doubling it in six years. In
fiscal 2003, its assets rose by 7% and it earned a
$200-million profit.
Bob Normand, ATB's CEO of two years, agrees that much of ATB's
success stems from its innate competitive advantages, such as
the profound connection to Alberta's rural core. "Every one of
our rural branches makes a contribution to our bottom line,"
he says. "If you can only do business in one province in
Canada, certainly over the last 10 years that province has
been Alberta."
It's perhaps not so surprising that Ralph Klein & Co. prefer
basking in the warm glow of ATB's revival to ejecting it into
the private sector's competitive mosh pit. Ten years ago,
industry watchers assumed ATB would follow Northland Bank, the
Principal Group and the rest of the province's financial
rabble into oblivion, with the big banks picking over its
better assets. Alberta's "piggy bank" had spent decades
floating troubled farmers, unemployed homeowners and other
credit-unworthy clients, accumulating half a billion dollars
in bad loans. It racked up more than $300 million in losses by
the mid-'90s.
Any real bank would have had its federal charter pulled.
But being provincially chartered, ATB was immune to such
consequences. So it tottered along under government
ownership, a laughingstock in banking circles (sample
put-downs: "The ATB, where bad loans go to die"; "The ATB, our
industry's unemployment insurance service"). To date, 19 ATB
employees have been investigated for fraud or other
improprieties, and one has been criminally convicted.
ATB spent much of the '90s battling its two biggest customers:
the Ghermezian family, owners of the West Edmonton Mall (WEM),
and entrepreneur Peter Pocklington, former proprietor of the
Edmonton Oilers NHL franchise. In 1994, allegedly at Tory
ministers' bidding, ATB extended WEM a staggering $353 million
in guarantees and loans in a refinancing of an even larger
earlier loan package. Then it had second thoughts and tried to
push WEM into receivership, even accusing its own former head
of taking bribes from the Ghermezians. The clients fought
back, and the various claims and counterclaims eventually
topped $1 billion. The ATB also sued Pocklington, who had
borrowed $150 million to finance a number of businesses. But
instead of crushing "Peter Puck," the suit gave him a platform
to recount how Alberta's pols had misused ATB to fix political
problems. Eventually, ATB simply walked away from its claim,
apparently still owed $71 million.
In principle, the government-induced mess at ATB formed a
powerful argument for privatization. The catch was,
privatization would first require a massive infusion of public
funds. Chartered (so-called Schedule 1) banks must have
unencumbered capital representing 7% of total assets, but ATB
had always operated without any capital at all. Legally, it
was a branch of Alberta's treasury -- hence its name -- and so
was deemed to have the same financial strength as the province
itself. Thanks to its status, it was paying neither income
tax nor deposit insurance premiums. Viewed as an independent
institution, ATB had been technically insolvent throughout its
history. In the mid-'90s, it would have required up to $700
million in government cash to qualify for a federal charter --
a sum Klein deemed unaffordable. Pulling the plug, meanwhile,
was politically unpalatable. ATB's failure would be a huge
embarrassment to Klein. Even worse would be the wave of
foreclosures and called loans that would come if ATB's loan
book was sold to a private bank.
Instead, the government opted for reform. In 1996, the ATB
"superintendent" was replaced by Paul Haggis, a finance
industry veteran, in the new post of CEO, and ATB became a
Crown corporation. Putting the government organ at arm's
length and insisting it meet tough benchmarks triggered a sea
change in ATB's culture on par with that currently sweeping
through Quebec's Caisse de dépôt et placement. Haggis set
aside $200 million for bad loans, investigated incompetent or
dishonest employees, turfed deadwood managers and hired
experienced professionals. He brought lending, liquidity and
risk standards closer to those of the big banks. And he
developed the institution's first business plan. Although the
word "privatization" was still considered taboo, Haggis was
creating a blueprint for ATB to compete in the real world.
One of Haggis's earliest moves was to hire Bob Normand to
oversee sales. A bilingual career banker from Montreal,
Normand seems like everything that Bible Bill Aberhart
resented. Now 57, Normand started in banking right out of high
school and has moved up through management positions on both
the retail and commercial sides. His last gig before ATB was
as Bank of Montreal's regional VP in Edmonton. He succeeded
Haggis in late 2001. (Haggis was recently named CEO of the
massive OMERS pension fund.)
If you imagined today's ATB on a continuum from crime-ridden
political slush fund to best-in-class financial superstar,
Normand would put it more than halfway to star status.
Deposits grew by 6% last year, while impaired loans were down
to $100 million. ATB's productivity ratio, a key measure
relating non-interest expenses to net revenues, was 67% in
fiscal 2003; the big banks averaged 69.5% (lower is better).
ATB has been profitable in every quarter since 1997. It has
also diversified into the panoply of modern banking services,
from mutual funds to credit cards. "ATB has put most of its
historical problems behind it," says Larry Pollock, CEO of
Canadian Western Bank (CWB), a publicly traded institution
based in Edmonton. "It's running effectively like a Schedule 1
bank should be run." Scott Tannas, CEO of Western Financial
Group, an insurance brokerage network based south of Calgary,
agrees. "ATB has a business model that's profitable down to
the tiniest villages, which is unique."
Under Normand's current plan, ATB is aiming for annual growth
of a muscular 10% in loans and 8% in deposits, and to reach a
productivity ratio of 65% while further improving risk
management. Normand wants to boost commercial banking,
emphasizing larger loans, and to move into niches opened by
the big banks' retreat from Alberta. His goal is a portfolio
of business loans that's reflective of Alberta's economy --
from oilpatch head offices in Calgary to machine shops in
Edmonton to big-box retailers in Grande Prairie -- and managed
by specialists in each sector. In a major coup, Normand
recently nabbed the former head of the oil and gas unit at
Royal Bank, Alberta's largest and most experienced
energy-industry lender, and installed him in the newly created
position of vice-president, energy.
To achieve these goals, Normand says ATB will increasingly "go
where the people are" -- namely, Alberta's fast-growing
Edmonton-Calgary corridor. While ATB has been active in the
bigger cities for decades, its current 40-60 urban-rural split
in market presence is the inverse of Alberta's population.
Normand would like to more closely match the demographic
reality while continuing to exploit ATB's proven formula of
down-home retail banking. He believes the combination of ATB's
relatively small asset size and opportunities like the urban
market and energy lending mean "we could double our business
without stepping outside Alberta's boundaries."
The stronger ATB grows, the weaker become the arguments
against privatization. With $791 million in retained earnings
at its last fiscal year-end, just one more year's net income
should bring it to a 7% capital ratio. After that, ATB would
no longer require government cash before being sold. The more
it earns and the cleaner its balance sheet, the higher price
it would fetch. And the stronger a market competitor it
becomes, the weaker the threat of its falling to a
branch-closing acquisitor. Some say the last tangible obstacle
to privatization fell last November, when ATB reached a
settlement with the Ghermezians, allowing it to move $45
million previously set aside against expected losses into 2003
net income.
"The government shouldn't own ATB any more than it should own
Home Depot," says John Carpay, Canadian Taxpayers Federation's
Alberta director. "It's time for the ATB to be 'retired' into
the private sector."
Alberta has a string of successful privatizations under its
belt, including liquor retailing and land registries, plus
several large business operations such as Alberta Government
Telephones (now Telus), Alberta Energy Co. (now EnCana) and
its share of the Syncrude oilsands consortium. (Alberta's
controversial electricity restructuring did not involve
privatization.) The sales have been technically successful,
lucrative (the province netted more than $500 million on AGT)
-- and popular.
CWB's Pollock estimates ATB would be worth 1.3 to 1.5 times
its net book value today, or at least $1 billion. Klein could
create a suitably patriotic aura by restricting all or part of
the initial public offering to Albertans, a previously used
model Pollock thinks would be politically saleable. Besides,
as one banking analyst notes, investors love bank stocks and
an ATB offering would almost certainly find an eager audience.
Equally important, a privatized ATB's most likely corporate
suitors would be other Western financial institutions. "If the
government decides it wants to sell it," says Pollock, "we'll
put our hands up and say, 'Yeah, we're interested.'" With
assets of $4.1 billion, CWB is less than one-third ATB's size.
On the other hand, it has a large capital base, a stellar
credit rating and is publicly traded, enabling it to issue
equity to help fund a purchase. Most importantly, any such
deal would be on friendly terms -- meaning the government
would ensure it worked.
Some of Alberta's 67 credit unions, which collectively boast
more than 625,000 depositors and are growing even faster than
ATB, would also consider buying part or all of ATB's network,
says Graham Wetter of Credit Union Central Alberta Ltd., the
system's umbrella organization. A few years ago, Wetter points
out, the credit unions snapped up 21 of BMO's cast-off Alberta
branches. Western Financial Group's Tannas is another eager
privatization advocate, describing it as an "historic
opportunity to create a magnet by which a lot of Western
financial institutions could join into one." Tannas envisions
gathering up regional insurance brokers like his own company,
plus local investment banks and wealth managers -- all of
which are areas where ATB is weak or inactive -- and creating
an integrated regional financial powerhouse modelled on
Quebec's National Bank.
Brent Rathgeber, an Edmonton MLA in Klein's caucus, has a
legislature motion to consult with voters on ATB's future. "I
always felt it was odd that the government felt the need to
own a major financial institution," he says. Rathgeber argues
that Alberta would be better served if ATB's locked-in value
were used to upgrade roads, schools and hospitals.
ATB's CEO, usually a chatty man, grows guarded when
privatization is raised. "It is quite frankly a subject where
I have no opinion," says Normand. "We think we function as
close to a publicly [traded] institution as we can." And,
ultimately, it's not his decision. Last fall, Klein's
government quietly renewed ATB's charter for five years, a
move that doesn't rule out privatization but suggests no
immediate enthusiasm for it, either. Treasurer Pat Nelson
declined to be interviewed on the subject, while Klein himself
has been coy. In April, he told a local newspaper, "If there
is a deal that we absolutely cannot refuse ... then we might
consider it." He promised public consultation before any sale.
Such ambivalence isn't surprising, for the Alberta Tories
aren't the ideological force they used to be. Two of Klein's
most right-wing ministers, former treasurer Stockwell Day and
Steve West, who privatized Alberta's liquor stores, have left
provincial politics. So have several once-influential
conservative backbenchers. Sources close to the government say
the ATB issue splits Klein's caucus: some urban MLAs consider
it a "non-core" operation that could be sold, another group
thinks government ownership is good for consumers, and a solid
pack of rural "sentimentalists" believes in ATB's original
raison d'être.
F. L. (Ted) Morton, a political scientist at the University of
Calgary, offers an intriguing rationale for hanging on to ATB.
He advocates pulling Alberta out of the Canada Pension Plan,
and notes that the province would need an in-house financial
institution to help administer the assets of its "APP." ATB
naturally comes to mind for that role. It could also help the
province collect its own income taxes, says Morton. While
these ideas are a long way from being party policy, they're
shared by a number of prominent Albertans, including Canadian
Alliance leader Stephen Harper.
At heart, Alberta's PCs may simply fear that privatization
would alienate too many voters. A recent survey by the
Canadian Federation of Independent Business revealed that the
large majority of its Alberta members worry about the ongoing
branch closures and declining bank service. ATB is the only
banking game in many towns. Rathgeber admits that, what with
Alberta's tough drought years and the current mad-cow crisis,
"any political momentum to talk about privatization has run
against terrible timing." Many people vividly recall ATB
getting them through the lean times, he says, and they
still see that as its role today. Cattle producers talk of
being scared that the big banks will call their loans and wipe
them out if Alberta's beef remains shut out of world markets.
The banks have said nothing to dispel that fear. Normand, on
the other hand, has been going on local radio shows, promising
that ATB would be there to nurse its customers through yet
another tough period. It's what Bible Bill would have wanted.
BANKING, ALBERTA-STYLE: ATB is far more ubiquitous than any of
the big banks:
BRANCHES: 2002 1998
ATB Financial* 276 277
Chartered Banks** 745 745
Credit Unions 196 180
*includes retail-store agents **BMO, CIBC, RBC, Scotiabank, TD
and National
Source: Credit Union Central Alberta Ltd.
© Copyright 2003 National Post Business Magazine
by Richard C. Cook
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Global Research,
October 8, 2007
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The U.S., as the only so-called
superpower, exerts a decisive influence on the fate of the
world. Today peace and stability are threatened by three
giant problems whose outcome depends a great deal on U.S.
decisions. These problems are linked to each other
synergistically in ways that increase the overall danger.
The first problem is the peril to the
world’s economies from the massive worldwide pyramid of
speculation and debt, a.k.a., the financial bubble.
Moreover, we have not seen the end of the fallout from the
deflation of the U.S. housing bubble of the mid-2000s. The
Federal Reserve facilitated this bubble to fill the void
left by the bursting of the dot.com bubble of the 1990s.
That one followed on the heels of the 1980s
buyout-merger-acquisition bubble.
Officials with a vested interest in the
status quo claim that the global economy is still
fundamentally sound. In the face of the financial crisis
of July-August, 2007, the Federal Reserve seemed to
succeed, at least temporarily, in using its available
tools to reassure the financial markets. This included the
interest rate cut that spurred the stock market back into
record territory. But when dollars are used to float a
bubble, it eventually means a lot of trouble.
The second problem is the U.S. march
toward military conquest of the Middle East. Even while
the takeover of Iraq seems to hang in the balance, an
attack on Iran may be next. U.S. action is obviously
connected with hunger for gasoline, oil company profits,
and the central role of the petrodollar in international
commerce. In a now-famous phrase, former Federal Reserve
Chairman Alan Greenspan states in his new book, Age of
Turbulence, that the Iraq War is “largely about oil.”
But is Greenspan’s characterization a
red herring? Are oil and dollars the full explanation?
Would there have been no other way for the U.S. to secure
its strategic interests in that part of the world, such as
through multilateral cooperation with other powers like
Russia and China? Isn’t it a fact that the neocons who
control foreign policy within the Bush administration have
steered a program of preemptive warfare clearly aligned
with the more radical elements of Israel?
The third problem is that global
warming seems to be proceeding at a more rapid pace than
anyone previously thought. Weather patterns are clearly
being affected, with many areas of the continental U.S.
now locked in severe drought. Much of the Midwest and West
are running dangerously low on water. The possibility that
sometime this century sea level could rise up to one meter
could be devastating to a nation like the U.S. where fifty
percent of GDP is produced along its coasts.
If we began now, major infrastructure
investments might help us prepare. But we already have an
infrastructure maintenance deficit in the trillions of
dollars. New large-scale expenditures are inconceivable
for a government whose budget has been trashed by tax cuts
for the rich, a trillion dollars spent on “wars of
choice,” commodity price inflation, and stagnant tax
revenues in the face of a recovery which looks a lot like
a recession.
Bad as these three problems are, they
are the tip of the iceberg. What really controls the fate
of nations is money. And what looms beneath the surface is
that we have in the U.S. and elsewhere a monetary system
which is fundamentally flawed. It is a system that creates
money almost exclusively through debt, one that has the
net effect over time of funneling much of the world’s
wealth from the hands of those who earn their living in
the producing economy of goods and services into the bank
accounts and investment funds of those who lend money at
interest.
The recent actions of the Federal
Reserve have been largely a refinancing of debt. The hope
has been to realize the axiom of American billionaire
Warren Buffett: “A rolling loan gathers no loss.” And
government borrowing to wage war has always been good
business for the banks as well.
But refinancing of debt does not change
the overall purposes, operation, and outcome of the
system. What we need to understand now is that the system
itself can and must be changed. This should be done by
establishing a more democratic and equitable world
financial paradigm. Such a change can only be accomplished
through fundamental monetary reform that would make
credit-creation less the private property of financiers
and more in the nature of a public utility.
The U.S. should start by 1) calling off
our military adventures and replacing them with new
efforts at multilateral solutions, including a negotiated
two-state solution for Israel and Palestine; and 2)
rebuilding our public and private infrastructure through
low-cost government-provided credit. Individuals carrying
unsustainable debt burdens or trapped in the collapsing
housing bubble should be given relief. A basic income
guarantee, not tied to employment, should be provided to
all citizens as advocated by many economists going back to
the 1960s. Infrastructure investment should include a
massive program to deal with the present and future
effects of global warming and climate change. Such a
program would also help restore our tax base along with
adding to consumer purchasing power.
To accomplish this program would
require a shift in the control of monetary policy from the
Federal Reserve, which only seems good at inflating and
deflating bubbles, to a Congress and Executive Branch with
the same degree of determination, vision, and authority we
saw during the New Deal. The U.S. economy needs to be
rebuilt from the bottom up. This means political
leadership, not the monetarist games of technocrats who
really work for the financiers.
A change of this order of magnitude
requires a revolution at the ballot box in 2008. The
Republican Party has fatally compromised itself by playing
host to the neocon Trojan horse. The Democratic Party,
which has failed to act on the voter demand in the 2006
mid-term elections that we get out of Iraq, doesn’t look
much better. In just three months, in Iowa and New
Hampshire, something profound and unprecedented must start
to happen. If it doesn’t, things figure to get much worse
in four more years.
Richard C. Cook is a retired
federal analyst, whose career included service with the
U.S. Civil Service Commission, the Food and Drug
Administration, the Carter White House, and NASA, followed
by twenty-one years with the U.S. Treasury Department. His
articles on economics and space policy have appeared on
numerous websites. He is the author of Challenger
Revealed: An Insider’s Account of How the Reagan
Administration Caused the Greatest Tragedy of the Space
Age, called by one reviewer, “the most important
spaceflight book of the last twenty years.” His website is
at
www.richardccook.com.
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Richard C. Cook is a frequent contributor to Global
Research. Global
Research Articles by Richard C. Cook |
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Quote:
The survival
of democracy is dependent on successful representative government; and
that is conditioned upon the practice of electing to public offices only
those individuals who are technically trained, intellectually competent,
socially loyal, and morally fit. Only by such provisions can government
of the people, by the people, and for the people be preserved.
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